Nowadays we are caught in a new stage of capitalism called postpolitical, – here, as Lopez Petit writes, politics has taken on its most archaic forms; that is, exclusion (social death), blackmailing and robbery (the economic crisis and anti-crisis measures) and war,- or pharmacopornographic, as named by Preciado, referring to the processes of the biomolecular (pharmaco) and semio-technical (porno) control of subjectivity. Accumulation through dispossession, the decomposition of society, the devalorisation (not yet complete) of state institutions, the explosion of inequality, precariousness … is simultaneously accompanied by the articulation of new forms of control of subjectivity using technical, biomolecular and media platforms in the “former” first capitalist world and consequently through new forms of colonization in all other worlds. The techno-social-economical megasystem is at work that incessantly aims at the infinite accumulation of capital and control of subjectivity. It neutralizes and absorbs any subversive potential of political action and finally depoliticizes any political intervention. Precisely this biopolitical economical turning point and the identification of capitalism with reality signifies that life itself has become the field of political struggle.
Category: articles
Danes smo ujeti v novo fazo kapitalizma, ki ji pravimo postpolitična; v njej je politika, kot piše Lopez Petit, dobila najbolj arhaične oblike; izključevanje (družbena smrt), izsiljevanje in ropanje (ekonomska kriza in protikrizni ukrepi) ter vojna; – ali farmakopornografska, kot jo poimenuje Preciado, referirajoč se na procese biomolekularne (farmako) in semio-tehnične (porno) nadvlade subjektivitete. Akumulacijo prek razlastitve, de-kompozicijo družbe, de-valorizacijo (ne še popolno) državnih institucij, eksplozijo neenakosti, prekernosti … hkrati spremlja artikulacija novih oblik nadzora subjektivitete s pomočjo tehničnih, biomolekularnih in medijskih platform v “nekdanjem” prvem kapitalističnem svetu in posledično, prek novih oblik kolonizacije, v vseh ostalih svetovih. Na delu je tehno-družbeni-ekonomski megasistem, ki neustavljivo teži k neskončni akumulaciji kapitala, kontroli subjektivitete, nevtralizira in absorbira kakršenkoli subverziven potencial politične akcije in v končni depolitizira vsako politično intervencijo. Prav ta biopolitični ekonomski obrat ter identifikacija kapitalizma z realnostjo pomeni, da je samo življenje postalo polje političnega boja.
Marina Gržinić, Februar 2013, Ljubljana Mariborska vstaja, ki je privedla do odstopa mariborskega župana Franca Kanglerja, je predstavljala pomembno točko preobrata v vseh nadaljnjih vseslovenskih vstajah. Majhna, a pomembna zmaga. To poudarja tudi francoski teoretik Alain Badiou, ko premišljuje o motivacijah za vstaje, katerih namen je zares doseči spremembe – zdaj in v prihodnosti. Zapiše […]
Margarita Padilla, Revista de Espai en Blanc nº9-10-11: El impasse de lo político
No es fácil comprender Internet, porque Internet es recursiva. Es al mismo tiempo un producto y su propio medio de producción. Es tan abstracta como el código y tan concreta como una infraestructura de telecomunicaciones (global y de propósito universal). Es tan artefactual, con ordenadores, cables o satélites claramente identificables, como simbólica, pues permite la construcción de nuevas realidades materiales y virtuales que no podrían producirse de otro modo.
Internet es un asunto complejo. Lo fue en sus orígenes y lo sigue siendo ahora. Sus capas no paran de soportar nuevos desarrollos. Por citar algunos de actualidad: en la capa física, la pasarela entre Internet y telefonía; en la capa lógica, el software como servicio, y en la capa de los contenidos, las redes sociales. La complejidad de Internet no es un asunto solo técnico (aunque también). Es una complejidad política, en tanto que su origen es fruto de una alianza monstruosa que desestabiliza a todos los bandos implicados.
by Judith Butler / www.eipcp.net
In the last months there have been, time and again, mass demonstrations on the street, in the square, and though these are very often motivated by different political purposes, something similar happens: bodies congregate, they move and speak together, and they lay claim to a certain space as public space. Now, it would be easier to say that these demonstrations or, indeed, these movements, are characterized by bodies that come together to make a claim in public space, but that formulation presumes that public space is given, that it is already public, and recognized as such. We miss something of the point of public demonstrations, if we fail to see that the very public character of the space is being disputed and even fought over when these crowds gather. So though these movements have depended on the prior existence of pavement, street, and square, and have often enough gathered in squares, like Tahrir, whose political history is potent, it is equally true that the collective actions collect the space itself, gather the pavement, and animate and organize the architecture. As much as we must insist on there being material conditions for public assembly and public speech, we have also to ask how it is that assembly and speech reconfigure the materiality of public space, and produce, or reproduce, the public character of that material environment. And when crowds move outside the square, to the side street or the back alley, to the neighborhoods where streets are not yet paved, then something more happens…