¿Qué ideología se esconde detrás de este teatro de la libertad? El aspecto más importante, no investigado hasta la fecha, es la relación existente entre Facebook y la potente corriente político-cultural del anarco-capitalismo estadounidense. La ideología política subyacente es un individualismo desenfrenado, facilitado por un capitalismo salvador y tecnócrata. En el acuario de Facebook analiza la filosofía anarco-capitalista poniendo en evidencia su genealogía en los años Treinta, cuando un grupo de economistas empezó a desarrollar una teoría centrada en la figura del individuo propietario y que tuvo su máximo representante en el Nobel para la economía Milton Friedman. Según Friedman, el Estado era el enemigo principal por combatir en nombre de la libertad individual, toda actividad humana debía de ser sometida a las leyes de la demanda y de la oferta. Uno de los inversores más potentes de Facebook es Peter Thiel, inquietante personaje fundador de PayPal, un libertariano que propugna la abolición de la moneda y del Estado y cree en la competición más salvaje como regla de oro de las relaciones sociales.

Pocas dudas caben ya de que Internet se ha convertido en un terreno de batalla crucial para el futuro del desarrollo de la crítica, la transformación y los propios movimientos sociales. A partir de algunas de las principales propuestas ciberactivistas que se han desarrollado en los últimos años como WikiLeaks, Anonymus o Hacktivistas, este libro apuesta por la libertad en Internet, la lucha contra la censura y la falsa escasez de los bienes inmateriales.

Su propio mimetismo con la lógica de la Red (abierta, distribuida, flexible), les ha permitido aportar nuevas herramientas, métodos novedosos y elementos de organización originales que resultan cada vez más imprescindibles ya no sólo para las luchas en Internet, sino también para todos aquéllos que tratan de afrontar eficazmente la transformación de las democracias capitalistas tardías.

These essays, written in the 1930s and 1940s, represent a first selection in English from the major work of the founder of the famous Institute for Social Research in Frankfurt. Horkheimer’s writings are essential to an understanding of the intellectual background of the New Left and the to much current social-philosophical thought, including the work of Herbert Marcuse. Apart from their historical significance and even from their scholarly eminence, these essays contain an immediate relevance only now becoming fully recognized.

by Theodor Adorno

The creation of the Frankfurt School of critical theory in the 1920s saw the birth of some of the most exciting and challenging writings of the twentieth century. It is out of this background that the great critic Theodor Adorno emerged. His finest essays are collected here, offering the reader unparalleled insights into Adorno’s thoughts on culture. He argued that the culture industry commodified and standardized all art. In turn this suffocated individuality and destroyed critical thinking. At the time, Adorno was accused of everything from overreaction to deranged hysteria by his many detractors. In today’s world, where even the least cynical of consumers is aware of the influence of the media, Adorno’s work takes on a more immediate significance. The Culture Industry is an unrivalled indictment of the banality of mass culture.

One of the most far-reaching changes brought by the First World War, at least in terms of its impact on intellectuals, was the shifting of the socialist center of gravity eastward. The unexpected success of the Bolshevik Revolution — in contrast to the dramatic failure of its Central European imitators — created a serious dilemma for those who had previously been at the center of European Marxism, the left-wing intellectuals of Germany. In rough outline, the choices left to them were as follows: first, they might support the moderate socialists and their freshly created Weimar Republic, thus eschewing revolution and scorning the Russian experiment; or second, they could accept Moscow’s leadership, join the newly formed German Communist Party, and work to undermine Weimar’s bourgeois compromise. Although rendered more immediate by the war and rise of the moderate socialists to power, these alternatives in one form or another had been at the center of socialist controversies for decades. A third course of action, however, was almost entirely a product of the radical disruption of Marxist assumptions, a disruption brought about by the war and its aftermath. This last alternative was the searching reexamination of the very foundations of Marxist theory, with the dual hope of explaining past errors and preparing for future action. This began a process that inevitably led back to the dimly lit regions of Marx’s philosophical past.